Identity and violent conflict in Africa

The nine country studies involved Burundi, Cameroon, the DRC, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan and Zimbabwe.

Political power struggles

In post-colonial African countries political power struggles generally take two forms: the state is in conflict with identity groups (state-identity conflict), and identity groups compete for ‘ownership’ or dominance of the state (inter-identity conflict).

The two levels of conflict seldom occur or remain in isolation but are interactive and can develop in two directions: from the state to society and from society to the state. The state may actively support one identity in inter-identity conflict if this identity occupies powerful positions within the state. In reality, such states often encourage dominant identities to use state resources and institutions to suppress other identities.

Resentment against this suppression leads to resistance against the state as the patron of the oppressors. Conversely, elections and power arrangements often lead to replications of inter-identity conflict within the state. Winner-takes-all results of elections or negotiations will encourage the new state to reward its supporters, to the detriment and resentment of opposition identities, preparing the ground for renewed conflict. Typical examples are the post-2006 DRC and Kenya.

Rivalry for resources

The study distinguished between two types of rivalry, namely traditional rivalries, for instance, between herdsmen and farmers about land or water, with Darfur as a typical example. Reconciliation customs usually resolved such perennial conflicts.

More serious are the rivalries between entrepreneurs or elite groups for access to wealth, for example, through mining (blood diamonds, gold) or oil. This conflict is often linked to government leaders or clan leaders, who use private armies to protect their interests. This problem is exacerbated when international companies receive concessions for resource extraction without local communities benefiting from their wealth creation, while carrying the environmental burden. Such communities often revert to illegal extraction and smuggling or resistance against the companies, as happens in Nigeria’s oil fields.

Identity and culture

The study found that identity and culture became dominant factors in most conflicts. Identity could be ethnic, but also include class, clan, other social networks, regional and international/networks, gender, language, religion or occupation.

Historically, colonial powers created cleavages due to preferred treatment of specific ethnic groups, the destruction of traditional governance institutions, and the division of identity groups between two countries. Many post-colonial states emphasised the need for a single national identity, striving for unity through conformity. But ironically these politics of identity usually led to the promotion of the identity and culture of the dominant group as the national one, and resistance by the excluded groups. In Sudan, this identity was based on Islamic religion, in Cameroon language became the dominant factor.

Whereas in the past, identity and particularly ethnicity had a fluency that allowed for dynamic co-existence of groups, identity legislation under colonial rule resulted in ethnic identity becoming a political identity. This often led to the privileging of specific groups over others in the allocation of senior public service positions, the building of infrastructure and allocation of resources.

Thus the combination of non-democratic rule and exclusion from wealth usually leads to relationships in which members of the governing elite’s own ethnic or identity group benefit, linking identity factors to political and economic ones.

The country studies revealed that elite groups and groups that are excluded ultimately challenge opponents with armed violence. It is particularly in this stage that identity is used for the purpose of mobilisation. ‘Own’ supporters are motivated to fight the ‘others’, irrespective of previous harmonious relationships, as in Burundi and Rwanda.

Identity awareness is increased through slogans, the revival or creation of traditions that mark a specific identity group, and stereotyping of the ‘self ’ and ‘others’ through narratives, political speeches or symbols. Art and cultural forms (such as street theatre, songs and posters) are used to declare ownership of specific geographical areas, as was typical of the cultural struggle in apartheid South Africa.

Democracy and violent conflict

The lack of democratic systems tends to increase the potential for violent conflict. The more citizens feel they are part of government, the less justification there is for violent resistance. But many countries started off as one-party states, leaving little space for democracy and alternatives. On the other hand, when excluded groups lack legal or constitutional mechanisms to challenge the state or defend their rights, their frustrations will be directed at the privileged groups. Conversely, privileged identities defend their position against identities that may challenge them, leading to an oscillation in conflict between the two levels, and sometimes hundreds of thousands deaths, as in Rwanda and Burundi.

UNESCO and the African Union have emphasised the potential of identity and cultural diversity to bring peace and prosperity. The HSRC research indicates that identity and culture can either unify or exclude and divide. Even when the state recognises cultural diversity through institutional arrangements, the centre of power can remain exclusionary, for example in Ethiopia’s federal states.

Thus a human rights approach, based on justice, fairness and equity appears to be crucial in the successful resolution of economic, political and identity struggles. Structurally this implies that strong and generally accepted social democratic institutions are indispensable for conflict resolution. Democracy, which brings the state under the control of citizens, has to be visible in institutions that include recognition of the value of identity and cultural diversity. Examples are the Sudan Comprehensive Agreement and the South African Constitution.

On the other hand, in terms of agency, definition of fairness and justice is often ethically and religiously determined and this interpretation fluctuates over time. This implies two requirements: an ongoing local debate on justice and fairness and how this can be obtained; and the contribution of regional, continental and international institutions to the local understanding and enshrining of justice and fairness. This justifies international interventions and support, as in the UN Darfur and DRC missions

Arts and culture in conflict resolution

The study also shows that traditional cultural institutions and arts and culture can contribute significantly to conflict resolution and reconciliation as they are an established part of people’s shared heritage. As some of the country studies show, disadvantaged groups often lack the capacity for equal participation in politics and the economy. Identity and cultural development programmes can contribute to capacity building through human development, for example, critical thinking, creative problem solving and the celebration of identities.

In conclusion, with regard to conflict resolution and peace making, the studies point to the need for a localised, multipronged approach in which socio-economic reconstruction and the recognition of human rights and freedom play an important role.

Workshop report, Cultural diversity in conflict and peace making in Africa - read the report.

Dr Gerard Hagg is a chief research specialist in the Democracy and Governance research programme. The studies have been published in a special issue of the African Journal on Conflict Resolution, late 2007.