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Focus on South Africa’s 2004 national and provincial election results Many commentators deemed the 2004 elections to be a big yawn. They contended that the ANC’s victory was a foregone conclusion, and that there was very little difference between the competing parties’ manifestoes; to the extent, some argued, that a national consensus had been achieved. However, the articles in this final edition of electionsynopsis illustrate that these commentators were wrong, and that the actual results of the elections point to enormous complexities and nuances within voting behaviour, and dynamics between and within parties. They challenge some of the arguments presented in previous editions of electionsynopsis; for example, those which asserted that citizens continue to be locked into identity politics, and that the “liberation dividend” of the ANC was beginning to lose its value. Although Southall agrees that the extent of the ANC’s triumph may have been only mildly surprising, is was the nature of its victory that is remarkable. He identifies a number of factors, such as the ANC’s campaign; the repackaging of President Thabo Mbeki; the disorganisation of the opposition, and the extent to which the ANC exploited this; and the ANC’s aggressive defence and promotion of its performance to date; as factors responsible for its electoral achievement. However, results speak louder when placed in the context of voter turnout. Sachs provides an analysis of actual voter turnout, relative to the number of eligible voters and registered voters. The preliminary breakdown presented here, limited due to constraints of space, but coupled with the other contributions and the tables compiled by Jones, begins to demonstrate just how complex South African politics really is. Rule et al. raise questions concerning the reliability of opinion polls in predicting voting patterns and party gains and losses. Although when the HSRC poll was undertaken in September 2003, it suggested a higher turnout than the actual results for the NNP, it also suggested that levels of political disengagement are higher among whites, coloureds and Indians (as these groups constituted the highest proportions of “unknowns’ in response to questions concerning their voting intentions). These results predicted actual voting behaviour, as demonstrated by the statistics presented by Sachs. As he has pointed out, this is a worrying trend, as, if certain racial and class categories disengage from the political system, how then will they express their needs and represent their interests, if not through the ballot? And what implications does this raise for the system of South African democracy? Faull traces the decline of support for the NNP in the Western Cape, and documents the history of the party as a serial monogamist, advancing through a number of partners in rapid succession, and confusing its constituents. He also addresses the issue of “the coloured vote”, demonstrating the decompression of racial identity in relation to party allegiance, both in the plummeting turnout of coloured voters, but also the spread of their votes across a number of parties. Contrary to the flux of party support in the Western Cape, Cherry documents the consistency and stability of the African urban vote in Kwazakele in the Eastern Cape. Although interviews with ANC supporters indicate that disillusionment with the ANC is prominent and relatively wide-spread, they continue to vote for the ANC as the party which founded democracy. Such voting behaviour can be interpreted as defending democracy, rather than supporting the party: to choose the ANC is to vote for, and participate in, democracy. This echoes questions previously raised in electionsynopsis, concerning the choices which opposition parties present to the electorate, and why people vote. Another issue raised by Cherry’s contribution is the importance of the provincial vote : some voters do not distinguish between a national and provincial vote, and national and provincial party policies and performance. This seems to suggest that the ‘liberation dividend’ of the ANC retains its currency in some constituencies, regardless of its performance nationally and provincially. The move away from the NNP to the DA among white, coloured and some African voters in the Eastern Cape, tends to suggest that the DA is now seen as the new representative of conservative interests. Besides the IFP being routed by the ANC in KwaZulu/Natal, another new provincial dynamic is the coalescence of Indian support for the ANC in that province, and the gains that the ANC made from the stay-away of traditional IFP supporters. Daniel notes that the increase in Indian support for the ANC is, however, not confined to KZN, but represents a national shift. Another racial realignment of political support for the ANC came from white voters in Pietermaritzburg who abandoned the DA in protest against the party’s support for Ulundi as the capital. Contrary to suggestions from the Eastern Cape that some voters do not distinguish between the provincial and national vote, Daniel argues that one of the reasons for the IFP losing support was their dismal performance at provincial level. However, these two arguments may not be entirely contradictory : Cherry is referring to ANC supporters, who are driven by concerns different to those from IFP supporters. Whereas the ANC is viewed by many of its supporters as a symbol of democracy, Daniel argues that, on the contrary, for many of its erstwhile and younger potential supporters, the IFP is seen as a pre-democracy party. Pienaar presents a profile of one of the four women Premiers appointed by President Thabo Mbeki – Beatrice Marshoff in the Free State. He also examines some of the dynamics behind her appointment, which surprised those who assumed that Ace Mugashule would fill the post. This analysis clearly points to the President’s hand behind the provincial thrones. Although the appointment may assist in neutralising the factionalism within the ANC in the Province, and furthering the President’s national objectives, it raises questions concerning the representivity of provincial premiers, and the extent to which they are able to harness regional support. What are the implications of the ANC’s decisive victory? Landsberg explores this question, arguing that it will provide for greater stability and continuity over the next five years, and afford the ANC the space to consolidate and implement its major policy objectives. Although tensions within the alliance will persist, and although social movements and COSATU may continue to criticise macro-economic policy, the ANC has been granted an overwhelming mandate to continue on its current policy course. However, the ANC is also obliged to honour the social contract with its supporters, and to deliver on its promises. This, argues Landsberg, is likely to result in greater public spending, social delivery, job creation and skills development. Moore extends this argument to the implications of South Africa’s foreign policy. Her coauthored contribution in the previous electionsynopsis examined the role of foreign policy, both in principle, as articulated in the ANC’s manifesto; and in practice, examining the role of President Mbeki in foreign policies and intervention. According to Moore, the ANC’s overwhelming mandate from the electorate is likely to result in the consolidation and continuity of existing policies. South Africa’s domestic and foreign policies mirror each other; thus, there will be less focus on foreign policy formulation, and more on implementation; regional and continental socio-economic development and relevant policy implementation will be prioritised to underscore and grant legitimacy to political liberation. View the pdf file of Election Synopsis (Vol 1 Number 4 2004)
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